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The French meanwhile lost no time in sending a representative to this country, a grotesque, theatrical little punchinello by the name of Genest or Genet, quick-witted, of monstrous vanity, impudent, sly, and unscrupulous. Before he had presented his credentials or effected his official arrival in this country, he had begun to fit out privateers to prey on British commerce, and seemed prepared, if he could, to run America to suit himself, with but small regard to the accredited rulers of it. His assurance was at first so astonishing that the majority of our citizens supposed it must needs indicate merit and warrant of corresponding soundness; and for a while Genet's career was a wild carnival of absurdity, in which his entertainers and himself vied with one another in extravagance' and folly. The people became French-mad; they wore liberty caps, quoted phrases, insulted the memory of Louis, and regarded with complacency actual or contemplated fractures of neutrality obligations. Genet seemed to be, and imagined be was, the most popular personage in America. But the whole flurry was purely superficial; there was, in reality, no party in the country which was not opposed to his pretensions; and as soon as they recovered their breath, they would find it out.

Washington never had any doubts in the matter; his reception of Genet was polite but cool, and he declined to commit himself to any of the extravagances which that gentleman proposed. Genet was indignant, and threatened to "appeal from the President to the people." He had now nearly run his rig; Jefferson opposed him out of regard to America; Hamilton from inclination toward England: Washington was indignant because be bad cast a slur upon the Constitution, and had defied the regulations which Congress bad imposed. The refusal of the American Government in any way to cooperate with the French was absolute. But before steps could be taken to demand Genet's recall, France saved us that trouble by recalling him herself, with intimations of disapproval of his conduct. He, however, was too solicitous for the safety of his own neck to trust himself within the grasp of the Government he had so obstreperously assumed to represent; and his diplomatic career being at an end, he settled down in this country, and married the daughter of Governor Clinton, who thus became the first American girl to unite herself with a foreigner, though she partly compensated for the obliquity by keeping him at home, instead of supporting him abroad.

England, so far from showing herself grateful for our observance of neutrality, made herself more than ever offensive. The Federal policy, for this and other reasons, fell into disfavor, and the House became Republican, while the Senate was equally divided. Gallatin, a Swiss, who had been in the country since 1780, but had not been a legal citizen long enough to qualify himself for a seat in the Senate, was chosen to the House, where he took part against the Federalists with telling vigor. The message of the President at the end of the year (1793) revealed the grievances against England in a strong light. Not only did she claim and exercise the right to seize the cargoes of American vessels carrying grain to France, but she appropriated them to her own use; and singled our American ships from those of other nations for condemnation if they should attempt to break a blockade. Furthermore, British cruisers in the West Indies were directed to detain all ships freighted with goods of or for any French colony. Lord Dorchester, in Canada, by telling the Indians. that war might soon be expected between America and England, stimulated them to begin a massacre. All this aroused the anger of the Americans, and those individuals who still ventured to speak in England's favor were made to understand sharply that such sentiments were not popular. There was, in truth, more genuine national dislike between England and America than there had been during the Revolution. It was not lessened by the news that a British Consul General at Algiers had been the means of letting out a fleet of Algerine corsairs to prey upon commerce the Algerines at that time holding a number of our sailors in captivity, and refusing to liberate them except upon payment of a ransom so exorbitant that our Government had declined to furnish it.

The desire of the country to give manifest expression to their resentment for these injuries was so unmistakable that Congress listened to the proposal of Dayton of New Jersey to indemnify us against the seizure of our ships by sequestering all British debts against the United States. It was decided to pass the resolution, except as it related to British investments in the public funds. Orders were also given to begin a navy by the construction of six men-of-war, four to carry forty-four guns, the others thirty-six each. Upon this, the British Government experienced a change of heart; rescinded the order obstructing our West Indian commerce, and spoke sweetly to our Minister in London, Pinckney. Congress, in return, postponed the Sequestration Act, and the trouble blew over for the time. But England had not learned all her lesson; and we delayed giving it to her for eighteen years yet. Just previous to her recession, a plan hack been mooted by friends of Hamilton to get him dispatched to England as a special envoy, to "assist" the resident representative, Pinckney; but it had failed; in fact, it is treating the plan with excessive lenience to' call it nothing worse than unwise. Hamilton was known to have been attacking France anony mously all through the late events, while he had never uttered a word that did not favor England. Besides, his personal integrity as manager of our finances was at that very time under investigation; and though the upshot of this was not conviction of dishonor, his escape was at least in part due to the unwillingness of the investigators to investigate. That his reputation was no worse than it was, Hamilton must thank fortune not less than justice. Washington now appointed an envoy to Great Britain; but, passing over Hamilton, the man upon whom his choice fell was John Jay. Aaron Burr and James Monroe opposed the nomination; but Congress confirmed it. Washington showed at once his policy and his magnanimity by soon after appointing Monroe Minister to France, vice Governor Morris, whose Anglophile tendencies made him persona non grata there. And it was Washington who gave John Quincy Adams his first show in public life by sending him to represent us at The Hague.

A matter within our own domains which cost us dear, though the result was worth the cost, was the whisky insurrection in western Pennsylvania. The excise tax there was irksome, and there were local difficulties in securing legal decisions on charges. Writs having been issued against a number of delinquent distillers, the marshal was fired upon; General Neville, the inspector, was ordered to give up his commission, and on his refusing, five hundred rioters attacked the house in which he had fortified himself, and burned it, Neville escaping narrowly with his life. Under the leadership of a scoundrel named Bradford, two thousand . rioters assembled with arms, and marched through Pittsburgh streets. Washington called out fifteen thousand troops; but meanwhile sent commissioners to arrange matters quietly if possible. The rioters would have submitted but for Bradford; he contrived to prevent enough of them from signing the submission, to render the report of the commission unsatisfactory. The President's call for troops was now answered with alacrity, all classes of men turning out. Harry Lee, Mifflin, and Hamilton led or accompanied in the army. But before it could arrive at the seat of 'war, the Bradford rabble had melted away, and Bradford himself had fled. Washington was very indulgent toward. the other culprits, and they all took the oath of allegiance with enthusiasm. The equity of excise duties is one of those things which always has been. questioned by persons required to pay it, and probably always will be.

This same winter it fell to Anthony Wayne to retrieve the misfortunes of poor St. Clair, He drilled his army carefully, and took no risks. He occupied the disputed country near Greenville and wintered there; in the summer of 1794 he advanced with two thousand men. Little Turtle was encamped by the Maumee Rapids, more than two score miles this side of the boundary; he was willing to treat, but his braves would not consent, so Wayne charged them, 'Indians, British, and Canadians, and drove them up to the British fort, killing them by hundreds; and the guns of the fort had nothing to say to the contrary. -Wayne ravage the Indian country, destroyed all stores and supplies, built Fort Wayne at the head of the Maumee, and opened, the. whole region permanently to American settlers. Captives were exchanged, and children who had not seen their parents for years found themselves ' civilization again. Mad Anthony had proved that he was as discreet and steadfast as he was always known to be brave.

On the reassembling of Congress in November, Washington took notice of the Democratic Jacobin Societies started by Genet; and they lost their influence in consequence. People began to comprehend that the laws were meant to be obeyed, and could be enforced. The collapse of Robespierre in France helped the cause of order here. The Republican cause lost power, and their opponents came once more to the front. There could be faults on both sides, it seemed. The charge of the public debt was transferred from the Treasury .to the Sinking Fund Commissioners, impost revenue being declared permanent. The debt. had fallen to $76,000,000. On January 31, 1795, Hamilton retired, and further investigation of his conduct in office was waived. He had, however, no intention of keeping out of politics. Jefferson, in retirement at his farm, maintained a critical attitude. Jay meanwhile had been well received in London: "Well, sir, I imagine you begin to see that your mission will probably be successful," remarked King George, who was enjoying one of his lucid moments. Grenville and Jay arranged a treaty which should put England in at least as good a position as that of France; its first ten articles were meant to be permanent; the latter eighteen were temporary commercial agreements. The long-neglected promise to evacuate the British posts in the North and West was renewed, to take effect in June, 17 96 ; the Mississippi was opened to both parties; a further attempt to define our Northern boundaries was made. British debts were to be paid, and American claims for injuries on the seas were to be satisfied. Upon the whole these permanent articles favored England more than America, and the temporary ones were even less satisfactory. The West Indian concessions were valueless, and in return for them we opened all our ports to England as the "most favored nation." In short, Jay's treaty laid an excellent foundation for the war of 1812. Jay had no courage, and betrayed the fact to the English negotiators, who naturally bullied him to their hearts' content. But the now. Federal Senate ratified the treaty, but excepted the West Indian clause. Hitherto the matter bad been kept strictly secret; but all at once, out came Bache's paper with the whole thing displayed in black and white. Great was the popular indignation. Mass meetings denounced the treaty, and Jay was burned in effigy, and was accused of selling his country for British gold. Washington was advised by both Randolph and Hamilton to delay his signature; and a remonstrance to Great Britain was ordered. At this juncture a secret dispatch from the French Minister here to his Government fell into our hands, the tenor of which was to cast suspicion of political dishonor upon Secretary of State Randolph, whose conduct had already occasioned some speculation among his colleagues in the Cabinet. Washington confronted him with this dispatch, and with a. request for explanation; he stuttered and evaded, and finally handed in his resignation, with a denial of' the imputation that he had taken. or asked for money from France which was the inference from the dispatch. In truth, he seems to have been merely a fool, so far as documentary evidence may show. But at the best his conduct as Secretary of State was indefensible; and his next act was to divert attention from his own case by publishing a pamphlet to fasten public odium on Jay and his treaty. This was the political end of Randolph; and his reputation is by no means clear from suspicion to this day. Washington, who could no longer find conspicuous Federalists for his Cabinet, was forced to install the rigid, unconciliating and narrow Pickering in Randolph's place-a man who had no more tact and diplomacy than a shillalah, but who was honest and fearless at all events. The Jay Treaty was ratified; but the Republicans resolved to defeat it by withholding appropriations. A favorable treaty with Spain, allowing navigation of the Mississippi, appeased the popular mind somewhat; but the treaty with Algiers was nothing more nor less on our part than an agreement to pay tribute to these sea scorpions. In March, 1796, upon the presentation of the English treaty, the great debate upon it began. The Federals put the query whether the House had a constitutional right to join in giving effect to a right conferred expressly on the Executive; to which the Republicans replied that if they had not, then this was not a government by the people; and Livingstone accordingly offered a resolution, which the House passed, calling for all the documents, referring to the treaty. Washington denied their right to demand them; and matters stood thus until an appropriation to execute the treaty was asked for; which the House refused to grant. Madison made a speech attacking the treaty on grounds of non reciprocity; the Federals denied the contention, and stirred up demonstrations throughout the country.

The President and the Senate were arrayed against the House, with the people still to be heard from. Commerce was paralyzed. Both civil and foreign war were threatened. At that juncture, Ames made what has been called the most eloquent speech of that generation, in which he called for the grant of the appropriation on the ground that the treaty had been allowed to be ratified, and could not now with honor be repudiated; and picturing vividly the t horrors of the war which would ensue upon its reaction. - He was suffering under a fatal malady at the time; and remarked that, frail as was his hold in life, yet were the treaty to fail, he might live to see his country die. The speech equally divided the House 49 to 49 and finally Muhlenberg gave his casting vote in the treaty's favor. England still tried to get out of surrendering the northwestern posts; but Washington marched troops to the frontier and they were relinquished.

All this while Monroe was getting his country into trouble in France; to which he had been sent as Ambassador. He was hostile to Jay in England, and instead of keeping in touch with the latter, so as to modify his negotiations with France to suit the nature and prospects of the English treaty, he applied himself solely to making the French believe (as he himself did) that America was her bosom friend. When the terms of Jay's treaty became known, France was naturally offended; and Monroe having neglected to carry out. his instructions to make it as agreeable to France as possible, he was replaced by Pinckney. Monroe, in fact, was too inexperienced and too transparent for diplomatic negotiation; and too intent, besides, upon proving himself in the right. In spite of the hysteric embraces and compliments which had been pressed upon him at his first coming, and which he had returned, his mission ended with France assuming a frowning and resentful demeanor; which was not unjustified.

Washington having refused to consider a third term, the Federals' put forward Adams and Pinckney; for Jay was buried for the present, and Hamilton was unavailable for several good reasons. The Federals did not mean to elect Adams to the Presidency, because they feared he was too strong and independent for them; but designed by a little hocuspocus to obtain the superior vote for Pinckney, as if by an unforeseen accident. This ingenious scheme did not succeed, however; Jefferson was put up- by, the Republicans and, with his own consent, ran second by two votes to Adams, who was elected President. Thus the strongest man of the party opposed to Adams's was placed in a position where he could exercise great influence without responsibility. Washington retired to private life with unaffected pleasure; he had been made the object of scurrilous attacks of late, anonymously published by Randolph; and he was feeling the approach of age.

His Farewell Address is familiar to all; and the clause in which he bids his countrymen beware of foreign entanglements has been too often quoted. It is only needful to reflect upon the condition of America when he gave this advice to understand why he gave it. It is safe to affirm that he would make very different suggestions to-day. With Washington disappeared the old "Republican Court," with its pretty women and courtly men. We could no longer be simple enough to be so elegant. The breeze from the coming century was already beginning to draw through the corridors of time, as the endless procession of life moved on.

Adams's inaugural address was a model document, such as any President might have been proud to father; and it was its author's intention to make a record as President which should cast that of his predecessorwhom be regarded as an overrated man-in the shade. But the condition of home and foreign affairs, the attitude of parties, and his own temper and temperament, made all hopes in this direction vain. Adams's Administration was a fight almost from start to finish; and considering what a good, able, and honest man he ,was, it is surprising how little he contrived to accomplish for the betterment of the country he loved so well and had so long and faithfully served.

To begin with, France refused to recognize Pinckney, though paying a parting compliment to Monroe, and. expressing to him the hope that friendly relations might continue between the French and American peoples, in spite of the errors of the Washington Administration. War being thus in sight, Adams asked Jefferson to go as a special commissioner, with Madison and Pinckney, to France, to try to accommodate matters; but Jefferson replied that the mission did not suit his office, and Madison declined, perhaps as being unwilling to accept, as a Republican, an appointment of such a nature from a Federal Executive. Adams indeed had made an initial mistake, for his own interests at least, in retaining Washington's Cabinet.

A desire to avoid extremities with France nevertheless continued. "I shall endeavor to reconcile the misunderstanding," said Adams, "provided no violation of faith, no stain upon honor, is demanded. But . . . America is not scared." His message on the subject to Congress was in this spirit. The Senate had a safe Federal majority; the House was also Federal, but not so constantly or conscientiously. The successes of a new great genius of war, Napoleon, were resounding through the world, and America had to consider that, in case he should defeat England, her own position might become unpleasant. The English alliance did not appear inviting; and merely defensive measures were popular. Upon the whole, the two opposing parties tended to approach each other on the French question, though maintaining great mutual bitterness on home matters. The President was perceived not to be impartial, and disorder was fostered by his subordinates; while Jefferson had plenty of leisure to mature his plans. Newspaper warfare was carried to indecent lengths; and on the floor of the House an Irishman, Lyon, and Griswold of Connecticut had a personal affray. The Hamilton scandal chose this time to air itself; and altogether it seemed as if the spirit ,of mischief was in the air. Nor was the reception of the three envoys who had been finally sent to treat with France calculated to smooth the troubled waters. Talleyrand, who hated America, was in power, and pursued so strange a course toward the envoys, demanding money as an indispensable preliminary to negotiations, and putting them off with unexplained understrappers, that Messrs. Gerry, Marshall and Pinckney were both perplexed and affronted. The stand taken by Talleyrand throughout was that America, instead of France, had been the doer of injuries; and that unless his terms were complied with the end of America was in sight. Gerry was less resolute in repelling these insulting proposals than were his honest colleagues, and Talleyrand, quick to perceive this, suggested that the Directory would prefer to deal with him alone. This broke up the Embassy, though Gerry, much to his discredit, remained in Paris. Upon the communication of this news to the President he was inclined to war, and gave orders to strengthen the navy; and when, in the spring of 1798, the French correspondence was made public, the country was with him. The idea of "adding this nation to those terror-stricken tributaries of the old world who felt compelled to purchase favors of the French Government and its corrupt ministers apart was intolerable. The war spirit of Congress acted upon the country, and that of the country stimulated Congress in return. `Millions for defense,' became the cry, 'but not one cent for tribute!"' The black cockade of the Revolution was worn again; Hopkinson wrote his "Hail Columbia"; Talleyrand was burned in effigy, a fast day was kept, and the Republicans were nowhere. Adams said to Congress, "I will never send another minister to France without assurances that he will be received, respected, and honored as the representative of a great, free, powerful, and independent nation." Gerry was ordered home summarily. Never had the country been in such a fever of warlike and patriotic excitement.

This was Adams's apogee. His star now began to decline; for it was in this session of Congress that the Naturalization, Alien, and Sedition laws were passed. They were designed to meet a certain crisis; but they were in principle unconstitutional and despotic. Emigrants must reside fourteen years in the country before they could become citizens, and still longer before they could be eligible to Congress. The large and uncomfortable class of inhabitants thus established were called aliens; and they could be summarily arrested or banished at the President's discretion. If they were, or were suspected of being, hostile, the President could imprison or force them out of the country. The Sedition Bill was in effect a denial of the right of free speech, and could be enforced in a manner which would disgrace a despotism. All this in order to rid America of French intrigues and domestic sympathizers with France!

Of course, these Acts furnished valuable material for the use of the Republican opposition. They were passed by the Federalists in Congress without communication with their constituencies.

The Federalists were now contemplating an alliance with England and a foreign war; the frigates Constitution, Constellation, and United States were in commission, with lesser vessels; an army was organized, and the popular wish was that Washington should command it. Washington accepted the appointment when tendered by Adams, and Hamilton, after much intrigue, was made second in command, with Pinckney third. Knox declined to serve in the fourth place. The plan of campaign embraced an attack on the Spanish-American possessions, in alliance with England, and a division of the spoils. Hamilton was to lead the invasion of the Spanish-American provinces, and his ambition saw here an unbounded opportunity. But when Adams realized what was in the wind, he. allowed his dislike of the project to appear; he was for no war of conquest or aggression. "There is no more prospect of seeing a French army here than in heaven," said he. The remark hit the nail on the head. France would not invade us. More than this, she released American prisoners, and raised the embargo on American ships. Adams also received news that Talleyrand had made pacific overtures; and the general aspect of things was so altered that the President wished to recommend further negotiations to Congress; but the ambition of Hamilton and the intrigues of others modified his message so far that its meaning was ambiguous. During this uncertainty, Madison and Jefferson caused resolutions to be adopted in the Legislatures of Kentucky and Virginia declaring the Alien and Sedition laws to be illegal and unconstitutional. This was pushing the doctrine of State rights rather far; but it compelled the Federalists, in opposing the resolutions, to become advocates of tyranny. The Nullification heresy of later times found its historic basis in these resolutions, to which undue weight was no doubt given.

But Adams had become aware of a faction in his own party which aimed to hurry him into extreme measures against France; and he had the courage and the patriotism, at this time, to recommend the appointment of a new envoy to France. This dumfounded the faction, who could not take the responsibility of resisting the recommendation, and could only criticize the unexpected manner in which it had been sprung upon them. Criticism of his fixed custom of spending the entire summer away from the helm of State in his remote farm at Quincy, leaving important affairs to be mismanaged and muddled by interested or disloyal subordinates, would always be in order. But the preparations for war still went on at great expense; and our frigate Constellation fought and defeated the French L'Insurgente in the West Indies. The country, unaware of Cabinet intrigues and dissensions, knew not what to expect; the final dispatch of the envoys was the first decided symptom of the intent to resume friendly relations with France. Their efforts resulted in a convention, which was brought home by Davie some time later. The envoys had been well received, Napoleon being now at the head of the French Government. The convention established friendship between the two nations on the basis of mutual restorations and concessions; though some trouble was caused by the old treaties. France and America have ever since remained on good terms, and the war scare subsided as rapidly as it had arisen.

Hamilton was perhaps the only man of consequence who was sincerely disappointed by this result; he had taken great interest in the plots of a Spanish adventurer, Miranda, and had hoped to lead an army 'of conquest into South America, with the possibility of:: becoming dictator of that country, or indeed of the whole continent. He printed a, pamphlet intended to discredit Adams and vindicate himself; but it failed in both purposes. The new election was now at hand, and party feeling was keen. Adams stood for reelection, opposed by Jefferson and by the Hamilton wing of his own party. But Burr was on the Republican ticket with Jefferson; and as the rule that each elector should vote for two candidates was in force it happened that Burr got the same number of votes as Jefferson, though it had been intended that he should be Vice President only. The decision as to which of the two should hold the first place now devolved by the Constitution on the House; but here also there was a tie; and the peril of having no President at all' was averted only by the casting of some blank votes by Federalists, giving Jefferson the preponderance. But the recurrence of such a deadlock must be guarded against, and a change in the mode of voting was the consequence. Instead of voting for two candidates, either of whom might be President, the electors were in future instructed to vote for but one Presidential and one Vice Presidential candidate. This method still continues; but is itself open to abuses.

The count showed only sixty-five votes for Adams. He had no talent for political intrigue, and the Alien and Sedition laws, which had been put in force during the campaign, made him unpopular. These laws had been temporary only, and were now about to expire, the special cause for which they had been enacted having ceased to exist. But Adams was much out of temper at his collapse, and his behavior during the closing hours of his administration was petulant and undignified. In order to deprive Jefferson of as much of the political patronage as possible, he signed appointments up to midnight of his last day in office; and set out for his home in Quincy without having offered the usual courtesies to his successor. Adams suffered from the overshadowing greatness of his predecessor and from the testy temper which he could not control; the Presidency was not the right place for such a man. The Alien and Sedition laws on the one hand, and his. extrication of the country from the war with France on the other, indicate the good and evil tendencies of his incumbency. The welfare of his country was always his first objecf, for which he would encounter any danger or odium; but he did not know how to govern, or how to keep order among those beneath him. His immense forces were pent in a room too narrow for their proper exercise. He was constantly exploding in one direction or another, and could be neither. supported nor opposed with comfort. His virtues were vastly in excess of his faults, and yet these faults prevented his virtues from doing a tithe of the benefit they should have accomplished. He had none of the personal humility and selflessness of Washington, and was never able to understand the causes of his failures, or to believe that he was not the victim of injustice and ingratitude-as no doubt he often was.

Washington'had died on the 14th of December, 1799. Some intriguers had been revolving the expediency of bringing him forward for a third term; but his day was passed, and he left the world in the fullness of love and honor. It was Henry Lee who said of him, in his funeral oration, that he was first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow citizens; and there is no exaggeration in this estimate. He never fell below the level of his uniform greatness; and we might believe that his death was the indication, given by Providence, that the pressing dangers of his country, incident to its awakening and establishment among nations, were passed.

Each country has had its popular hero; but Washington well stands comparison with them all;
and- the facts of his career are not mythical, but are open to the world in the pages of sober history. He was purer and loftier than his contemporaries; ;and when the time came for the intrigues and passions of party, there was no longer a place in the world for him, and he departed to occupy his immortal place in our memory and reverence.

The final session of Congress under Adams was held in the new capital of Washington. It was a strange place to be the central point of a nation; hidden in deep woods, and almost uninhabited. The population, such as it was, was composed chiefly of negroes and laborers living in shanties; on Capitol Hill rose the north wing of the great freestone building, whose corner stone Washington himself had laid with Masonic ceremonies in 1T93. The house to be occupied by the President was also standing, but hardly yet fit forhabitation. The rest of the Government had to find quarters in Georgetown; and there was some doubt whether the headquarters of the nation would finally be fixed in this wilderness after all. Many persons had been ruined by their speculations in real estate.

One of the final appointments of Adams was that of John Marshall to the Chief Justiceship. He has retained his place as among the greatest and wisest of our jurists. Born in Virginia, he was at this time about forty-five years old; he had served in the Revolution, had helped to ratify the Constitution, had been Envoy to France, and had latterly been acting as Secretary of State. He lived to be eighty years of age, and was the author of one of the first Lives of Washington.

Adams was the last of the Federal Presidents. The party had made America a nation, and had established its financial credit; but the great men who made Federalism honored had left or were leaving it; it had no longer a genuine policy to offer the people; and gratitude for favors past is never a characteristic of politics. It opposed the peace on which the country was determined, and it fostered abuses and un-American ideas in disregard or ignorance of propriety and prudence. Aristocracy could not win the confidence of the growing democracy, still less the snobbery into which it tended to degenerate. The first truly American Government began with Jefferson, for it was under him that the authority, of the people was first fully and practically recognized.

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